Hefazat-e-Islam in the post-revolution Bangladesh

Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh was founded in 2010 during Sheikh Hasina's administration and experienced two major crackdowns under her government. These events influenced its participation in the July revolution advocating Hasina's resignation. Following her departure on 5 August 2024, Hefazat played a role in forming an interim government, including representation in the Yunus cabinet, and collaborated on reform initiatives such as constitutional debates and policies related to women's rights. The organization also sought justice for the deaths of its members in the Shapla Square massacre and the 2021 anti-Modi protests, while advocating for the withdrawal of more than 200 legal cases filed against its members during Hasina's tenure. The group maintained dialogue with various political partners and engaged in social issues to advance its religious agenda. Beyond dialogue, Hefazat organized mass mobilizations, including the 2025 Grand Rally, its largest gathering since the 2013 Siege of Dhaka. Its post-Hasina activism is regarded as a re-emergence of the organization.

Background

During the tenure of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh faced numerous legal challenges. Major cases against the organization and its members occurred in 2013, 2016, and 2021.[1] Following the 5 May 2013 massacre at Shapla Square, subsequent events in 2016 in Brahmanbaria and the 2021 incidents related to the anti-Modi protests and the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman statue controversy resulted in a total of 254 cases being filed against Hefazat. These cases involved at least 180,000 individuals, some named and others unnamed.[1] In 2021 alone, more than 1,000 Hefazat leaders and activists were arrested. According to a May 2024 report by Bangla Tribune, 203 of these cases remained active at that time.[2] On 16 July 2024, following the start of the anti-quota movement, six students were killed. On 18 July, Hefazat condemned the violence against protestors and called for nationwide prayers for the deceased.[3][4] On 1 and 2 August, the organization issued further statements urging national prayers and reaffirming its commitment to justice for those killed,[5][6] while on 4 August it publicly supported a one-point demand calling for Sheikh Hasina's resignation and encouraged citizens to participate in a mass gathering in Dhaka on 5 August.[7]

Following Sheikh Hasina's departure on 5 August, a meeting was held at Bangabhaban with the President and the Chief of Army Staff to discuss the formation of an interim government, with Hefazat represented by Mamunul Haque, Monir Hossain Qasmi, and Mahbubur Rahman.[8] The organization urged the President to promptly announce a widely accepted, short-term interim government, including representation from the ulama.[9] On 8 August, an interim government was formed under the leadership of Muhammad Yunus, with Hefazat deputy chief A F M Khalid Hossain appointed as Adviser for Religious Affairs.[10] Hefazat welcomed the new government and called for the rapid preparation of a national settlement document. It also emphasized the importance of promptly initiating a new constitution to implement reforms in governance and state structure, rejecting a return to previous administrative frameworks.[11]

Engagement with the government

Meeting with the interim government head

Hefazat held a series of meetings with the interim government head, Muhammad Yunus. The first meeting, on 31 August 2024, led by Secretary-General Sajidur Rahman, proposed limiting the prime minister's tenure to two terms, called for reforms before holding national elections, and raised concerns over unresolved cases, casualties, and disappearances of its activists, urging investigations, possible tribunals, and the withdrawal of cases filed against members.[12] In a subsequent meeting on 5 October 2024, the delegation voiced reservations about the recommendations of the newly formed Education Commission and drew attention to the rising cost of living.[13] On 26 July 2025, Hefazat pressed for compensation for victims of the 2013 Shapla Square massacre, the preservation of related evidence, and the possibility of a UN-led inquiry, alongside discussions on progress toward withdrawing politically motivated cases.[14] Another meeting on 3 September 2025 focused on electoral fairness, demanding the removal of pro–Awami League officials from the administration, the reinstatement of 'faith in Allah' as a constitutional principle, and the inclusion of the 2013 crackdown and the 2021 arrests of ulama protesting Narendra Modi's visit in the July Charter.[15] Despite these engagements, Deputy Leader Khalil Ahmad Qasmi clarified that Hefazat's official programs would not serve political objectives, stressing that members may not use the group's banner to deviate from its declared policies, though they remain free to pursue lawful political activities in a personal capacity.[16]

Disagreements with government policies

Hefazat expressed disagreement with various policies and actions of the interim government. On 12 August 2024, the Home Affairs Advisor, M Sakhawat Hussain, called for the reorganization of the ousted Awami League, which Hefazat opposed, describing it as serving an Indian agenda and questioning the advisor's reliability.[17] On 22 October, the organization called for the removal of President Mohammed Shahabuddin.[18] In November, Hefazat criticized the inclusion of Mostofa Sarwar Farooki as an interim government advisor, citing his previous support for the Awami League administration.[19] Despite these criticisms, Secretary-General Sajidur Rahman stated in December 2024 that the organization fully supported the interim government and did not wish for it to fail.[20] In February 2025, Hefazat demanded the dismissal and trial of Rakhal Raha, a member of the National Curriculum and Textbook Board, for allegedly offending religious sentiment,[21] and in March 2025, it protested claims by the interim government's Information Advisor Mahfuj Alam that Hefazat had acted as a proxy for a political party in 2013.[22]

In May 2025, Hefazat raised concerns about Bangladesh's potential participation in an international agreement establishing a humanitarian corridor in Myanmar's Rakhine State, arguing that its underlying motives were complex and potentially problematic, and also expressed reservations about foreign appointments at the Chittagong port.[23] In July 2025, the organization opposed financial allocations for sex workers' rehabilitation by the Social Welfare Ministry, viewing such measures as contrary to religious and social values and calling for the resignation of the responsible advisor, Sharmeen Murshid.[24] Later that month, Hefazat protested the signing of a memorandum of understanding with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Dhaka, warning that it contradicted public opinion and should not serve foreign interests.[25] In August 2025, the organization expressed disappointment at the interim government's July Declaration for omitting any commitment to investigate the 2013 Shapla Square massacre, noting that the decision had caused anger among ulama and madrasa students and would remain a matter of concern for Hefazat.[26] In early September, the organization criticized a gazette notification from the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education concerning the recruitment of music teachers, characterizing it as an 'anti-Islamic agenda' and calling for its cancellation in favor of guidelines for appointing religious instructors.[27] On 13 October 2025, Religious Affairs Advisor A F M Khalid Hossain stated that the government was considering Hefazat's demand.[28]

Following the resignation of Sheikh Hasina, Hefazat pressed the interim government for justice regarding the deaths of its members in 2013, 2016, and 2021, while also demanding the withdrawal of all cases filed against its leaders and activists since 2013, which it described as politically motivated.[29] By May 2025, the organization had requested the withdrawal of 220 such cases, expressing frustration at the slow pace of government action despite assurances from Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus and Legal Affairs Advisor Asif Nazrul that cases deemed harassing would be dropped, while those already accepted by the courts would proceed through legal processes.[30] Hefazat argued that these cases had historically been used to restrict its activities and could continue to pressure affiliated political candidates during elections.[30] In November 2024, the group submitted a petition to the International Crimes Tribunal accusing former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and 49 others of responsibility for the 2013 Shapla Square massacre,[31] and on 5 May 2025 published a preliminary list of 93 individuals it claimed were killed in the massacre.[32] Hefazat further demanded that all killings, including Shapla Square and the July massacre, be prosecuted before elections and called for accountability of the Shahbaghis who supported the 2013 operation.[33][34] In November 2025, the International Crimes Tribunal-1 scheduled the submission of an investigative report in the Shapla Square case for 12 November 2025, following the formal initiation of judicial proceedings.[35]

On 18 October 2025, the government provided financial assistance to the families of 58 people killed during the 2013 Shapla Square massacre and 19 killed in the 2021 anti-Modi demonstrations, distributing cheques of one million taka each at an event organized by the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Co-operatives at the Osmani Memorial Auditorium.[36] Local Government Advisor Asif Mahmud, who attended as the chief guest, stated that the 2013 Hefazat movement marked the beginning of the anti-fascist mobilization and announced plans to establish a permanent memorial at Shapla Square bearing the names of those killed. Religious Affairs Advisor A F M Khalid Hossain participated as a special guest.[37]

Narrative framing

Dialogue with political parties

On 5 April 2025, Hefazat held a meeting with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) at the BNP Chairperson's political office, where both parties agreed on holding the Awami League accountable as a political party for the July massacre and on withdrawing cases considered false against Hefazat activists. Hefazat also requested that the BNP exercise caution in using the term 'fundamentalism.'[38][39] On 9 April, Hefazat met with the National Citizen Party (NCP), agreeing on four key points: holding the Awami League accountable for the 2013 Shapla Square massacre, suspending its registration and halting political and organizational activities until accountability is ensured, taking visible steps toward prosecution before elections, and officially declaring the party a terrorist organization.[40] On 12 July, Hefazat condemned the brutal murder of a businessman in Old Dhaka, calling for exemplary punishment and urging the BNP to end party-related extortion and political violence, while emphasizing a return to the ideals of Ziaur Rahman.[41] On 16 July, the organization strongly condemned attacks by Awami League supporters on participants of the NCP's pre-announced 'March to Gopalganj' program, describing the assaults as violations of democracy, freedom of expression, and human rights, and called for the eradication of fascist influences.[42] On 5 August, Hefazat's Amir, Muhibbullah Babunagari, stated that Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami could not be considered an Islamic party, arguing that the group historically pursued Maududi-inspired ideologies rather than the principles of Medina, making unity impossible.[43] Following an attack on Nurul Haque Nur, leader of Gono Odhikar Parishad, Hefazat characterized the Jatiya Party as an agent of Indian influence and urged the government to take legal steps to ban it.[44] In September, Babunagari cautioned against forming electoral alliances with groups criticized by ulama, implicitly referring to Jamaat-e-Islami, while addressing a conference organized by Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Bangladesh,[45] and subsequently met with an NCP delegation led by Nahid Islam.[46] Around the same time, reports in Prothom Alo, The Daily Ittefaq, and Samakal suggested that the BNP was seeking closer ties with Hefazat ahead of the 13th parliamentary elections to consolidate support among Islamist voters, though observers noted mixed reactions within Hefazat regarding whether Babunagari's anti-Jamaat stance represented the organization's official position or his personal opinion.[47][48][49]

Observations on social and national matters

Following the resignation of Sheikh Hasina, Hefazat raised concerns about the safety of minority communities in the country, alleging that India played a role in creating security challenges, while noting that minorities in Bangladesh generally enjoy greater protection than in India.[50] In August 2024, the organization highlighted the flooding in Feni and Noakhali caused by sudden water releases from India, describing the humanitarian impact as severe and labeling it an act of international crime.[51] In April 2025, Hefazat welcomed the revival of centuries-old 'Eid processions' as a step toward the cultural rejuvenation of Bangladesh's Muslim community but criticized certain practices in Ministry of Cultural Affairs–organized events as inconsistent with the core values of Eid.[52] On 13 April, during Pohela Boishakh celebrations, the organization called for a return to 'Tawhid-oriented popular culture' and urged awareness of Indian-supported neo-pagan cultural influences, describing the Dhaka University Faculty of Fine Arts' parade as promoting such influences.[53] On 25 August, Hefazat demanded strict action against those involved in removing hijab-wearing students from Viqarunnisa Noon School and College and against those responsible for disciplining three police constables in Habiganj for growing their beards, characterizing both incidents as serious violations of human rights and religious freedom and expressing concern over a resurgence of Islamophobia.[54] The organization further commented on the post-Hasina political environment, warning that labeling dissenters as 'Pro-Pakistani' effectively revives Indian narratives in Bangladesh and cautioned that such rhetoric could deepen divisions and provide opportunities for foreign influence.[55]

Mass activism

Following the murder of Saiful Islam Alif, Hefazat organized nationwide demonstrations on 30 November 2024, demanding capital punishment for those responsible and calling for the banning of ISKCON.[56][57] Later that month, the group opposed a cultural program in Narayanganj, Mahat Sadhusanga and Lalon Mela, which was subsequently canceled by local authorities.[58] On 26 February 2025, Hefazat activists blocked the Comilla–Sylhet Highway for three hours in Brahmanbaria, pressing for the withdrawal of cases filed against its members during the tenure of Hasina,[59] and on 6 April called for a global strike to protest Israeli actions in Gaza,[60] followed on 8 July by a meeting between its Amir, Muhibbullah Babunagari, and the Palestinian Ambassador, Yusuf S. Y. Ramadan.[61] On 3 May 2025, Hefazat held its largest rally in Dhaka since 2013, demanding the annulment of cases against its members, a ban on the Awami League, and the dissolution of the Women's Affairs Reform Commission, while also announcing further protest programs.[62] The group joined the Awami League ban protests from 8 May, branding the party a terrorist organization and demanding justice for the 2013 Shapla Square and July incidents.[63] On 26 May, members in Narsingdi protested against academic Nadira Yasmin for writings they considered offensive to Islam, issuing an ultimatum that preceded her transfer to Satkhira Government College.[64] On 11 July, Hefazat staged a rally in Dhaka opposing the establishment of a United Nations human rights office in Bangladesh,[65] and on 25 August disrupted a program by Hezbut Tawheed in Rajshahi, claiming it promoted doctrinal views inconsistent with Islam.[66] The organization later announced a central delegates' conference on 4 October 2025 to review reports, restructure leadership, and define future programs.[67] Assessing these developments, Iftekharul Bashar of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies observed that Hefazat's expanding activism in the post-Hasina period signaled a potential shift toward a more conservative and religiously influenced political climate in Bangladesh.[68]

International presence

In September 2025, a seven-member delegation from Hefazat visited Afghanistan for an eight-day program from the 17th to the 25th. During the visit, the delegation held meetings with Afghan officials, including Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi, Minister of Water and Energy Abdul Latif Mansour, and Minister of Labor and Social Welfare Abdul Manan Omari. The delegation also met with Deputy Minister Ali Ahmad at the newly established Ministry of Amr bil Ma'ruf wa Nahi Anil Munkar and held discussions with Chief Justice Abdul Hakim Haqqani. Although a meeting with the Minister of Interior was scheduled, he was unable to attend due to prior commitments, and the delegation met with his deputy instead. In addition to meetings in Kabul, the delegation traveled several hundred kilometers to Khost Province to meet the provincial governor and visited educational institutions.[69][70]

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