Christian support of Donald Trump

For Trump's personal relationship with religion, see Donald Trump and religion.

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Donald Trump, the 45th and 47th president of the United States, has strong support among white evangelical Christians, particularly among those who do not attend church regularly. Trump also maintains strong support with Christian nationalists, [1] and his rallies take on the symbols, rhetoric and agenda of Christian nationalism.[2] Trump described his 2024 presidential campaign as a "righteous crusade" against "atheists, globalists and the Marxists".[3]

Characteristics

Some Christian Trump supporters view him as divinely ordained and "chosen by God", and some compare him to Jesus, with opposition to him seen as spiritual warfare.[4][5] Trump shared and played a video entitled "God Made Trump" at several of his rallies explicitly comparing him to a messianic figure in religious terms.[6] Trump is frequently described among some of his Christian supporters as an Old Testament hero, with Cyrus the Great or David frequently mentioned. The New York Times describes his supporters seeing him as one of several "morally flawed figures handpicked by God to lead profound missions aimed at achieving overdue justice or resisting existential evil".[7] This framing has been described as "vessel theology" which allows for support of Trump and excuses his prior sexual misconduct and adultery.[8] Trump has strong support with members of the dominionist New Apostolic Reformation, and many Trump administration officials are aligned with the group.[9][10]

Polling

According to 2016 election exit polls, 26% of voters self-identified as white evangelical Christians,[11] of whom more than three-fourths in 2017 approved of Trump's performance, most of them approving "very strongly" as reported by a Pew Research Center study.[12] In contrast, approximately two-thirds of non-white evangelicals supported Hillary Clinton in 2016, with 90% of black Protestants also voting for her even though their theological views are similar to evangelicals. According to Yale researcher Philip Gorski, "the question is not so much why evangelicals voted for Trump then—many did not—but why so many white evangelicals did." Gorski's answer was simply "because they are also white Christian nationalists and Trumpism is inter alia a reactionary version of white Christian nationalism."[13]

Analysis

Israeli philosopher Adi Ophir sees the politics of purity in the white Christian nationalist rhetoric of evangelical supporters, such as the comparison of Nehemiah's wall around Jerusalem to Trump's wall keeping out the enemy, writing, "the notion of the enemy includes 'Mexican migrants', 'filthy' gays, and even Catholics 'led astray by Satan', and the real danger these enemies pose is degradation to a 'blessed—great— ... nation' whose God is the Lord."[14]

Theologian Michael Horton believes Christian Trumpism represents the confluence of three trends that have come together, namely Christian American exceptionalism, end-times conspiracies, and the prosperity gospel, with Christian Americanism being the narrative that God specially called the United States into being as an extraordinary if not miraculous providence and end-times conspiracy referring to the world's annihilation (figurative or literal) due to some conspiracy of nefarious groups and globalist powers threatening American sovereignty. Horton thinks that what he calls the "cult of Christian Trumpism" blends these three ingredients with "a generous dose of hucksterism" as well as self-promotion and personality cult.[15]

Evangelical Christian and historian John Fea believes "the church has warned against the pursuit of political power for a long, long time", but that many modern-day evangelicals such as Trump advisor and televangelist Paula White ignore these admonitions. Televangelist Jim Bakker praises prosperity gospel preacher White's ability to "walk into the White House at any time she wants to" and have "full access to the King." According to Fea, there are several other "court evangelicals" who have "devoted their careers to endorsing political candidates and Supreme Court justices who will restore what they believe to be the Judeo-Christian roots of the country" and who in turn are called on by Trump to "explain to their followers why Trump can be trusted in spite of his moral failings", including James Dobson, Franklin Graham, Johnnie Moore Jr., Ralph Reed, Gary Bauer, Richard Land, megachurch pastor Mark Burns and Southern Baptist pastor and Fox political commentator Robert Jeffress.[16]

For prominent Christians who fail to support Trump, the cost is a loss of presidential access and a substantial risk of criticism, a lesson learned by Timothy Dalrymple, president of the flagship magazine of evangelicals Christianity Today, and former chief editor Mark Galli, who were condemned by more than two hundred evangelical leaders for co-authoring a letter arguing that Christians were obligated to support the impeachment of Trump.[17]

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Same image as above, without the blurring

Historian Stephen Jaeger traces the history of admonitions against becoming beholden religious courtiers back to the 11th century, with warnings of curses placed on holy men barred from heaven for taking too "keen an interest in the affairs of the state."[19] Dangers to the court clergy were described by Peter of Blois, a 12th-century French cleric, theologian and courtier who "knew that court life is the death of the soul"[20] and that despite believing that participation at court was "contrary to God and salvation," the clerical courtiers justified it with comparisons to Moses being sent by God to the Pharaoh.[21] Pope Pius II opposed the clergy's presence at court, believing it was difficult for a Christian courtier to "rein in ambition, suppress avarice, tame envy, strife, wrath, and cut off vice, while standing in the midst of these [very] things." The history of warnings of the corrupting influence of power on holy leaders is recounted by Fea who compares it to behavior of Trump's court evangelical leaders, warning that Christians risk "making idols out of political leaders."[22]

Jeffress claims that evangelical leaders' support of Trump is moral regardless of behavior that Christianity Today's chief editor called "a near perfect example of a human being who is morally lost and confused."[23] Jeffress argues that "the godly principle here is that governments have one responsibility, and that is Romans 13 [which] says to avenge evil doers."[24] This same biblical chapter was used by Jeff Sessions to claim biblical justification for Trump's policy of separating children from immigrant families. Historian Lincoln Muller explains this is one of two types of interpretations of Romans 13 which has been used in American political debates since its founding and is on the side of "the thread of American history that justifies oppression and domination in the name of law and order."[25]

From Jeffress's reading, government's purpose is as a "strongman to protect its citizens against evildoers", adding: "I don't care about that candidate's tone or vocabulary, I want the meanest toughest son of a you-know-what I can find, and I believe that is biblical."[26] Jeffress, who referred to Barack Obama as "paving the way for the future reign of the Antichrist," Mitt Romney as a cult follower of a non-Christian religion[27] and Roman Catholicism as a "Satanic" result of "Babylonian mystery religion"[28] traces the Christian libertarian perspective on government's sole role to suppress evil back to Saint Augustine who argued in The City of God against the Pagans (426 CE) that government's role is to restrain evil so Christians can peacefully practice their beliefs. Martin Luther similarly believed that government should be limited to checking sin.[29]

Like Jeffress, Richard Land refused to cut ties with Trump after his reaction to the Charlottesville white supremacist rally, with the explanation that "Jesus did not turn away from those who may have seemed brash with their words or behavior," adding that "now is not the time to quit or retreat, but just the opposite—to lean in closer."[30] Johnnie Moore's explanation for refusing to repudiate Trump after his Charlottesville response was that "you only make a difference if you have a seat at the table."[31] Trinity Forum fellow Peter Wehner warns that "[t]he perennial danger facing Christians is seduction and self-delusion. That's what's happening in the Trump era. The president is using evangelical leaders to shield himself from criticism."[32] Evangelical biblical scholar Ben Witherington believes Trump's evangelical apologists' defensive use of the tax collector comparison is false and that retaining a "seat at the table" is supportable only if the Christian leader is admonishing the President to reverse course, explaining that "[t]he sinners and tax collectors were not political officials, so there is no analogy there. Besides, Jesus was not giving the sinners and tax collectors political advice—he was telling them to repent! If that's what evangelical leaders are doing with our President, and telling him when his politics are un-Christian, and explaining to him that racism is an enormous sin and there is no moral equivalency between the two sides in Charlottesville, then well and good. Otherwise, they are complicit with the sins of our leaders."[32]

Evangelical Bible studies author Beth Moore joins in criticism of the perspective of Trump's evangelicals, writing: "I have never seen anything in these United States of America I found more astonishingly seductive and dangerous to the saints of God than Trumpism. This Christian nationalism is not of God. Move back from it." Moore warns that "we will be held responsible for remaining passive in this day of seduction to save our own skin while the saints we've been entrusted to serve are being seduced, manipulated, USED and stirred up into a lather of zeal devoid of the Holy Spirit for political gain." Moore's view is that "[w]e can't sanctify idolatry by labeling a leader our Cyrus. We need no Cyrus. We have a king. His name is Jesus."[33] Other prominent white evangelicals have taken Bible based stands against Trump, such as Peter Wehner of the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center and Russell D. Moore president of the public policy arm of the Southern Baptist Convention. Wehner describes Trump's theology as embodying "a Nietzschean morality rather than a Christian one,"[34] that evangelicals' "support for Trump comes at a high cost for Christian witness,"[35] and that "Trump's most enduring legacy [may be] a nihilistic political culture, one that is tribalistic, distrustful, and sometimes delusional, swimming in conspiracy theories."[36] Moore sharply distanced himself from Trump's racial rhetoric stating, "The Bible speaks so directly to these issues," and, "that, really, in order to avoid questions of racial unity, one has to evade the Bible itself."[37]

Presbyterian minister and Pulitzer prize winning author Chris Hedges thinks many of Trump's white evangelical supporters resemble those of the German Christians movement of 1930s Germany who also regarded their leader in an idolatrous way, the Christo-fascist idea of a Volk messiah, a leader who would act as an instrument of God to restore their country from moral depravity to greatness.[17][note 2] Also rejecting the idolatry, John Fea said "Trump takes everything that Jesus taught, especially in the Sermon on the Mount, throws it out the window, exchanges it for a mess of pottage called 'Make America Great Again', and from a Christian perspective for me, that borders on—no, it is a form of idolatry."[38]

Theologian Greg Boyd challenges the religious right's politicization of Christianity, and the Christian nationalist theory of American exceptionalism, charging that "a significant segment of American evangelicalism is guilty of nationalistic and political idolatry." Boyd compares the cause of "taking America back for God" and policies to force Christian values through political coercion to the aspiration in first century Israel to "take Israel back for God" which caused followers to attempt to fit Jesus into the role of a political messiah. Boyd argues that Jesus declined, demonstrating that "God's mode of operation in the world was no longer going to be nationalistic." Boyd asks to consider Christ's example, asking questions such as whether Jesus ever suggested by word or example that Christians should aspire to gaining power in the reigning government of the day, or whether he advocated using civil laws to change the behavior of sinners. Like Fea, Boyd states he is not making the argument of passive political non involvement, writing that "of course our political views will be influenced by our Christian faith" but rather that we must embrace humility and not "christen our views as 'the' Christian view". This humility in Boyd's view requires Christians to reject social domination, the "'power over' others to acquire and secure these things", and that "the only way we individually and collectively represent the kingdom of God is through loving, Christ like, sacrificial acts of service to others. Anything and everything else, however good and noble, lies outside the kingdom of God."[41] Horton thinks that rather than engage in what he calls the cult of "Christian Trumpism", Christians should reject turning the "saving gospel into a worldly power",[15] while Fea thinks the Christian response to Trump should instead be those used in the civil rights movement, namely preaching hope not fear; humility, not power to socially dominate others; and responsible reading of history as in Martin Luther King Jr.'s Letter from Birmingham Jail rather than nostalgia for a prior American Christian utopia that never was.[42]

As part of the January 6 demonstration, a coalition of Christian groups organized what they called the "Jericho March", a name the group now uses. Conservative orthodox Christian writer Rod Dreher and theologian Michael Horton have argued that participants in the original march were engaging in "Trump worship", akin to idolatry.[43][44] In the National Review, Cameron Hilditch described the movement as "[a] toxic ideological cocktail of grievance, paranoia, and self-exculpatory rage was on display at the 'Jericho March,' ... Their aim was to 'stop the steal' of the presidential election, to prepare patriots for battle against a 'One-World Government', and to sell pillows at a 25 percent discount. ... In fact, there was a strange impression given throughout the event that attendees believe Christianity is, in some sense, consubstantial with American nationalism. It was as if a new and improved Holy Trinity of 'Father, Son, and Uncle Sam' had taken the place of the old and outmoded Nicene version. When Eric Metaxas, the partisan radio host and emcee for the event, first stepped on stage, he wasn't greeted with psalm-singing or with hymns of praise to the Holy Redeemer, but with chants of 'USA! USA!' In short, the Jericho rally was a worrying example of how Christianity can be twisted and drafted into the service of a political ideology.[45] Emma Green in The Atlantic blamed pro-Trump, evangelical white Christians and the Jericho March participants for the storming of the Capitol building on January 6, 2021, saying: "The mob carried signs and flag declaring Jesus Saves! and God, Guns & Guts Made America, Let's Keep All Three."[46]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ The blurred placard has the hashtag "#WWG1WGA" which stands for QAnon motto "where we go one, we go all". The original image of Jesus was blurred due to Wikipedia copyright rules but may be viewed by following the link found on the image's information page on Wikipedia Commons.)
  2. ^ For an elaboration of the fascist idea and political force of leader viewed as an anointed one, or a messiah, see:
    • Waite, Robert G. L (1993) [1977]. The Psychopathic God. New York: Da Capo Press. pp. 31–32, 343. ISBN 0-306-80514-6.
  3. ^ Multiple prominent members of the faith community including the Bishop of the diocese objected to Trump's use of the Bible as a prop.[39] Evangelical supporters variously saw the event as proclaiming victory in a world of evil, that Trump was figuratively putting on the Armor of God, or was beginning a "Jericho walk".[40]

References

  1. ^ Perry, Whitehead & Grubbs 2021.
  2. ^ Smith 2024.
  3. ^ Vakil 2023.
  4. ^ Carless 2024.
  5. ^ Klepper 2023.
  6. ^ Bensinger 2024.
  7. ^ Bender 2024.
  8. ^ Burton 2018.
  9. ^ Petrovic 2024.
  10. ^ Economist 2023.
  11. ^ Brookings 2020.
  12. ^ Pew Research, April 26, 2017.
  13. ^ Gorski2018, p. 166.
  14. ^ Ophir 2020, p. 180.
  15. ^ a b Horton 2020.
  16. ^ Fea 2018, p. 108, (epub edition).
  17. ^ a b Hedges 2020.
  18. ^ CBS News, September 29, 2020.
  19. ^ Jaeger 1985, p. 54.
  20. ^ Jaeger 1985, p. 58.
  21. ^ Jaeger 1985, p. 84.
  22. ^ Fea 2018, pp. 105–112, 148, (epub edition).
  23. ^ Galli 2019.
  24. ^ Jeffress & Fea 2016, audio location 10:48.
  25. ^ Mullen 2018.
  26. ^ Jeffress & Wehner 2016, audio location=8:20.
  27. ^ Gryboski 2012.
  28. ^ Tashman 2011.
  29. ^ Jeffress 2011, pp. 18, 29, 30–31.
  30. ^ Henderson 2017.
  31. ^ Moore 2017.
  32. ^ a b Shellnutt 2017.
  33. ^ Blair 2000.
  34. ^ Wehner 2017.
  35. ^ Wehner 2019.
  36. ^ Wehner 2020.
  37. ^ Cox 2016.
  38. ^ Jeffress & Fea 2016, audio location 8:50.
  39. ^ Shabad et al. 2020.
  40. ^ Teague 2020.
  41. ^ Boyd 2005, pp. 9, 34, 87–88, (epub edition).
  42. ^ Fea 2018, pp. 147, 165–170, (epub edition).
  43. ^ Dreher 2020.
  44. ^ Lewis 2020.
  45. ^ Hilditch 2020.
  46. ^ Green 2021.

Bibliography

Books

  • Blair, Gwenda (2000). The Trumps: Three Generations of Builders and a Presidential Candidate. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-684-80849-8.
  • Boyd, Gregory (2005). The Myth of a Christian Nation: How the Quest for Political Power Is Destroying the Church. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan. ISBN 0-3102-8124-5.
  • Fea, John (2018). Believe Me: The Evangelical Road to Donald Trump. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. ISBN 978-1-4674-5046-1.
  • Jaeger, C. Stephen (1985). The Origins of Courtliness: Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. ASIN B008UYP8H8.
  • Jeffress, Robert (2011). Twilight's Last Gleaming: How America's Last Days Can Be Your Best Days. Brentwood, TN: Worthy Publishing. ISBN 978-1936034581.
  • Ophir, Adi (2020). "The Political". In Stoler, Ann Laura; Gourgouris, Stathis; Lezra, Jacques (eds.). Thinking With Balibar A Lexicon of Conceptual Practice. Idiom: Inventing Writing Theory. New York, NY: Fordham University Press. pp. 158–182. doi:10.1515/9780823288502-012. ISBN 9780823288489. S2CID 150814728.

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