Fernando Vélaz de Medrano y Bracamonte
Fernando Vélaz de Medrano | |
|---|---|
| 4th Marquess of Tabuérniga, 6th Marquess of Fuente el Sol, 14th Marquess of Cañete, 8th Marquess of Navamorcuende, Grandee of Spain, 15th Lord of Montalbo, Knight of the Order of Malta | |
Coat of arms of the Vélaz de Medrano family | |
| Spanish Marquess | |
| Predecessor | Jaime Vélaz de Medrano & Agustín Domingo de Bracamonte Dávila y Villalón |
| Full name | Fernando Agustín Vélaz de Medrano y Bracamonte y Dávila |
| Other titles | The Most Excellent Lord |
| Born | Fernando Vélaz de Medrano y Bracamonte 23 December 1742 London, England |
| Baptised | 2 November 1749 Ávila, Spain |
| Died | 22 November 1791 (aged 48) Near the Cape of Good Hope |
| Noble family | House of Medrano |
| Partner | Luisa Cuenca (unofficial union) |
| Children | Two sons and one daughter (illegitimate) |
| Father | Jaime Vélaz de Medrano y Barros, III Marquess of Tabuérniga |
| Mother | Petronila de Bracamonte y Villalón |
| Occupation | Nobleman, military officer, courtier, Spanish royal guard |
Fernando Agustín Vélaz de Medrano y Bracamonte y Dávila (23 December 1742, London, England – 22 November 1791, near the Cape of Good Hope) was a Spanish aristocrat, military officer, and Knight of the Order of Malta. He held several noble titles, including 4th Marquess of Tabuérniga, 14th Marquess of Cañete, 6th Marquess of Fuente el Sol, 8th Marquess of Navamorcuende, 15th Lord of Montalbo, and twice a Grandee of Spain.
Vélaz de Medrano is best remembered for his close friendship with the writer José Cadalso.[1] In his military career, he played a notable role in the Seven Years' War, particularly during the siege of Almeida in 1762. He later served in the Spanish Royal Guard and worked as Aide-de-camp to both Governor Pedro de Cevallos and Viceroy Juan José de Vértiz y Salcedo, becoming a trusted confidant to both.[2]
In 1780, Vélaz de Medrano supported Vértiz in maintaining Spanish colonial authority in South America during the Túpac Amaru II Rebellion. During this period, he corresponded with the Prince of Asturias, the future Charles IV of Spain, providing detailed accounts of the rebellion and condemning widespread corruption among royal officials, particularly regarding the administration of tobacco and playing card monopolies established by Minister José de Gálvez. His outspoken criticism of these abuses resulted in his exile by Gálvez in 1781 to Manila, in the Philippines, where he remained until receiving a royal pardon in 1791.[2]
Early years
Fernando Agustín Vélaz de Medrano y Bracamonte y Dávila was born on 23 December 1742 in London, Great Britain.[3] He was the son of Jaime José Ignacio Vélaz de Medrano y Barros, 3rd Marquess of Tabuérniga.[4] He was the grandson of Jaime Vélaz de Medrano y Hurtado de Mendoza, 2nd Marquess of Tabuérniga, and the great-grandson of Antonio Vélaz de Medrano, I Marquess of Tabuérniga, son of Pedro Vélaz de Medrano, 2nd Lord of Tabuérniga.[5] His mother, Petronila de Bracamonte Dávila y Villalón, was the daughter of the Marquesses of Fuente el Sol.[3]
Family exile in London
Vélaz de Medrano's family faced criticism due to "the infamous accusation of being heretics for being English."[6] His father had been exiled after escaping from the castle of Vélez-Málaga, where he was imprisoned after attempting to elevate Fernando VI to the Spanish throne in 1730.[3] Called "Fernandino," by ambassador Sir Benjamin Keene,[7] he was raised in London, where his father established connections with Frederick, Prince of Wales and King George II of Great Britain, from whom he received a pension amounting to 1,000 pounds a year.[3] The family remained in London until 1748, when King Fernando VI granted them a royal pardon following his accession to the throne.[8]
Return to Spain (1748)
After returning to Spain in 1748, Fernando spent his early childhood in Ávila, where he was catechized on 2 November 1749 in the Chapel of Our Lady of the Annunciation by the parish priest of Saint Vincent Martyr.[2] His father, the 3rd Marquess of Tabuérniga, died in 1752, after which Fernando inherited the title, becoming the 4th Marquess of Tabuérniga.[3]
Education (1757)
Fernando's uncle, the Marquess of Fuente el Sol, oversaw his education and secured his admission in 1757 to the Royal Seminary of Nobles in Madrid. There, he studied alongside his "very dear classmate,"[9] the future King Charles IV of Spain. The institution, established for the sons of noble families, prepared him for a career in the military.[2]
Spanish Royal Guards
Upon completing his education at the Royal Seminary of Nobles, Vélaz de Medrano joined the elite Spanish Royal Guards regiment on 2 March 1762, following in his father's footsteps.[2]
Military career
In 1762, Vélaz de Medrano took part in the War of Portugal, a campaign within the wider Seven Years' War, participating in the siege of Almeida, where he helped blockade and capture the fortress of Almeida.[1][2] The period of peace initiated after the signing of the Treaty of Paris that same year stalled his opportunities to earn distinction on the battlefield. As a result, his advancement within the ranks were slow. His promotion to second lieutenant was delayed several times and was only confirmed on 8 January 1774.[2]
During the 1770s, he was posted to the Río de la Plata and served as an aide-de-camp to Pedro Antonio de Cevallos, taking part in several military operations, including the failed defense of Río Grande de San Pedro (1776) and the campaign led by Cevallos to reclaim Colonia del Sacramento in 1777.[2]
Túpac Amaru Rebellion
After settling in Buenos Aires, Vélaz de Medrano became a trusted confidant and aide-de-camp to the second Viceroy of the Río de la Plata, Juan José de Vértiz y Salcedo. He was involved in efforts to contain the Túpac Amaru II Rebellion (1780–1783), led by José Gabriel Condorcanqui, which aimed to overthrow Spanish colonial rule in the Andean region. The uprising was among the most significant anti-colonial revolts in 18th-century South America, and its effects were felt across several viceroyalties, including the Río de la Plata.[2]
As an aide-de-camp to Viceroy Vértiz, Vélaz de Medrano was directly involved in the administrative and military response to the rebellion. Although the uprising was centered in the Viceroyalty of Peru, its implications prompted viceroys throughout Spanish America to strengthen defences and monitor the potential spread of unrest. Vélaz de Medrano contributed primarily in intelligence and planning, coordinating communications and defensive strategies to prevent the rebellion from affecting the southern territories. He also advised Vértiz on the allocation of resources and troops to protect vulnerable frontier areas and key cities such as Buenos Aires and Montevideo.[2]
Letters to the Prince of Asturias
According to Jacinto Ventura de Molina, Vélaz de Medrano was also engaged in diplomatic intelligence activities during the rebellion. He reportedly maintained correspondence with the Prince of Asturias, the future King Charles IV of Spain, in which he described the progress of the rebellion and criticised administrative policies that he believed had intensified the unrest. In particular, he condemned the tobacco and playing card monopolies established by Minister José de Gálvez, which he viewed as contributing to widespread discontent. These letters, intended to inform and influence royal policy, later aroused the suspicion of Gálvez, ultimately resulting in Vélaz de Medrano's exile.[2]
Counsel to the Prince of Asturias and Exile in the Philippines
In 1781, Fernando Vélaz de Medrano was arrested by order of Secretary of War Múzquiz on charges of alleged intrigue within the quarters of the Prince of Asturias, the future King Charles IV.[10] This event marked the beginning of a long period of exile that defined the final decade of his life. The motives behind his arrest and banishment have been the subject of continued historical inquiry. According to contemporary accounts by Jacinto Ventura de Molina, Vélaz de Medrano was accused of conspiring against Minister José de Gálvez, a prominent figure in the Spanish administration.[2]
Ventura de Molina recounted the episode as follows:
He was imprisoned for having informed Prince Don Carlos IV about the Tupac Amaru uprising in 1780. Indeed, he was arrested due to intrigues that led to the dispatch of two regiments, from Extremadura, through Caracas and the Californias, to suppress the Tupamaro uprising. This report he provided personally to his very dear classmate, the Prince, later Carlos IV, at the behest of Viceroy Juan José de Vértiz. Minister Don José de Gálvez, reprimanded by the King, exiled the marquess to Lima and the Californias with unheard-of cruelty.[9]
The principal accusation against Vélaz de Medrano centred on his correspondence with the Prince, in which he allegedly criticised Gálvez's economic policies, particularly the tobacco and playing card monopolies, which he described as key factors contributing to the Túpac Amaru II Rebellion. While his assessment reflected a view shared by many colonial observers, it directly challenged Gálvez's authority within the imperial administration. As a result, Vélaz de Medrano was dismissed from his post and subjected to a long and difficult exile. Initially held in Montevideo, he was later transferred to Lima, Acapulco, and finally to the Philippines.[2]
His exile was marked by harsh conditions, including strict prohibitions on correspondence, access to writing materials, and communication with the outside world. Although he was granted a royal pardon by King Charles IV in 1791, the decade-long exile had a lasting impact on his life and reputation.[2]
José Cadalso: Medro and social decline in the Bourbon era
José Cadalso y Vázquez (1741–1782) was a Spanish military officer, essayist, a central figure of the Spanish Enlightenment, and a close friend of Fernando Vélaz de Medrano.[11][2] His posthumously published epistolary work Cartas marruecas (1789) presents a sustained critique of Spanish society through the fictional correspondence of Gazel, a young Moroccan traveler, and his mentor Ben-Beley.[12]
Throughout the work, Cadalso identifies the structural causes of Spain's decline. He attributes this deterioration to prolonged and costly wars, internal division following the War of the Spanish Succession, the demographic drain caused by emigration to the Americas, and resistance to scientific and technical education. He criticizes the persistence of inherited pride among impoverished provincial nobility, describing hidalgos who cling to coats of arms and honorific titles while rejecting labor, learning, and civic responsibility. In Cartas marruecas, Cadalso describes Spain as "a great house, once magnificent and solid," that has "gradually collapsed over time," eroded by neglect, false appearances, and the persistence of empty honor.[12]
Cadalso frames this critique through the observations of Gazel, who travels through Spain accompanied by Nuño Núñez, a reflective Spanish Christian who has withdrawn from public life. Nuño serves as an interpreter of Spanish customs and institutions, offering candid judgments shaped by experience rather than ambition. Through this pairing, Cadalso contrasts inherited status with lived virtue and exposes the tension between lawful advancement (medrar); and advancement distorted by vanity, resentment, and faction (medro).[12]
Cadalso repeatedly returns to the difficulty of virtuous advancement within a society governed by suspicion and misinterpretation. In one of the most explicit passages of the work, Gazel observes:
It is not easy to know how a man ought to conduct himself in order to secure even a moderate place in the world. If one appears to have talent or learning, he earns the hatred of others, who take him for proud and dangerous; if, on the contrary, he is humble and restrained, he is despised as useless and foolish. If he is cautious and prudent, he is taken for treacherous; if he is sincere and humane, he is called cowardly. If he seeks advancement, he is called ambitious; if he is content with mediocrity, indolent. If he follows the current of the world, a flatterer; if he opposes its follies, extravagant.[12]
Cadalso concludes that such contradictions, confirmed by repeated experience, drive principled individuals to withdraw from public life, preferring solitude to participation in institutions that systematically misjudge merit and advancement.[12]
Elsewhere, Cadalso addresses the manipulation of language and public narrative, particularly in accounts of war. He describes how conflicting reports allow all parties to proclaim victory while concealing the human cost, reducing political success to spectacle rather than justice or order. These distortions, in his analysis, preserve appearances of greatness while accelerating institutional decay.[12]
The social and political conditions described in Cartas marruecas closely parallel those confronted by Fernando Vélaz de Medrano during the late Bourbon period. Medrano's criticism of monopolies, corruption, and administrative abuse aligns with Cadalso's depiction of Spanish society under Bourbon governance.[12]
Life in Manila (1781–1791)
Although Fernando's confinement in Manila was initially intended to be as restrictive as the terms decreed in 1781, the passage of time and geographic distance led to a gradual relaxation of these conditions. According to Jacinto Ventura de Molina, Fernando lived a relatively unconfined life:
The marquess resided two leagues from Manila in the country house of a local landowner who took him in. While chasing a deer, he fell and broke a leg. The incident was reported to the governor. He healed but later suffered from smallpox. He visited the governor and lived as a captain exiled from Buenos Aires.[13]
Luisa de Cuenca
Fernando was frequently granted permission to hunt, ride, and live without restrictions, except for the requirement to present himself periodically at the fortress as a prisoner. During this period, he formed a relationship with a Tagalog woman, Luisa Cuenca, with whom he had two sons and a daughter. Friar Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga corroborates this account, identifying Luisa as the marquess's partner.[14]
The Cuenca family were among the wealthiest in the town of Bacoor, located near Manila. They were considered "Bacoor's first family," tracing their lineage to Lorenzo de Cuenca, who served as gobernadorcillo in 1685–1686.[15]
Royal order of 1785
During Fernando's residence there, the town was rebuilding its church, which had been destroyed by the British in 1763 due to Bacoor's strategic location. Despite his exile, Fernando maintained a connection to his noble heritage. A royal order dated June 2, 1785, directed that 30,000 reales de vellón deposited in the Secretariat of the Indies be delivered to the Marquess of Tabuérniga, ensuring his financial stability.[2]
Economic contributions
Fernando's relatively free lifestyle enabled him to contribute to the local economy. He assisted the Royal Philippine Company in introducing cotton cultivation in Bacoor and neighbouring areas, an important initiative for the company, which also promoted the silk industry in the Philippines. Although he remained in exile, Fernando actively participated in the economic and social life of his host community.[2]
Inheritance of Spanish Titles and Grandeza de España
While in the Philippine archipelago, Fernando Augustín Vélaz de Medrano y Bracamonte y Dávila, 4th Marquess of Tabuerniga, received news in 1786 that he had inherited the titles of his maternal uncle, Agustín Domingo de Bracamonte Dávila y Villalón, becoming the 15th Marquess of Cañete (GE) [es],[16] 6th Marquess of Fuente el Sol [es], 8th Marquess of Navamorcuende [es], and 15th Lord of Montalbo. With these titles, he attained the rank of Grandee of Spain of the second class, twice.[17][18][19]
Health issues
Although Fernando's life in Manila offered relative comfort compared to the harsh terms of his original confinement, the long years of exile took a toll on his health. He became "disfigured, pockmarked, and lame from a broken thigh,"[20] physical reminders of his hardships during this period. Health issues had already begun to manifest during his maritime journey to Acapulco, one of the early stages of his exile.[2] At that time, he was examined by Dr. Andrés Montaner y Virgili, a retired naval surgeon major and director of Madrid's Royal Amphitheatre, and Dr. Manuel Antonio Moreno, a senior naval surgeon. Their diagnosis was severe:
He suffered from severe acidic indigestion of a moist serpiginous nature, ulcers on his legs and private parts, and signs of a blind internal fistula caused by hemorrhoids.[2]
By the time he was living in Manila, the Marquess of Tabuérniga's declining physical condition had become increasingly apparent. The severity of his ailments prompted authorities to verify his mental and physical fitness when he inherited his uncle's titles in 1786. Philippine officials were instructed to confirm whether he was "in good health, with sound memory, understanding, and will."[2]
The confirmation of his survival and competence thwarted the ambitions of rival aristocrats who had hoped to claim his inheritance. Despite becoming the Marquess of Fuente el Sol, Cañete, and Navamorcuende, and attaining the rank of Grandee of Spain of the second class, his new status did little to improve his circumstances. His family made repeated appeals to Prime Minister Floridablanca and King Charles III for his return, including a plea from the Marchioness of Fuente el Sol, but all requests were dismissed.[2]
Royal pardon
It was only after the death of Charles III and the accession of Charles IV that Fernando was finally pardoned in 1791. However, the pardon came with the stipulation that he was forbidden from entering Madrid or any royal residences. His years of exile, compounded by deteriorating health, left him a diminished figure, even as his noble status remained intact.[2]
Royal pardon and death
Fernando's royal repression, like that suffered by his father before him, ended only when the crown prince ascended the throne as King of Spain.[3] Following the death of King Charles III, the newly crowned King Charles IV, the same prince with whom Fernando had once counseled, granted him a royal pardon in 1791, however, he died on his return trip to Spain.[2]
Final voyage to Spain (1791)
The details of his attempted return are preserved in an account by his servant, José Fernández Campoy, addressed to his agent Manuel López Delgado. Initially, Fernando and his entourage sought passage on a ship belonging to the Royal Philippine Company, but ongoing hostilities between Britain and Spain made this impossible.[2] Instead, they boarded a Portuguese vessel in early 1791, which ran aground in the Jolo Strait, exposing them to potential hostility from the Malay natives.[2]
Upon reaching Madras, Fernando's health deteriorated significantly. Campoy described his master as "a second Job, slowly recovering as his physical condition declined daily." Despite his worsening health, Fernando and his companions secured passage on an English packet ship, the Swallow, believing it would stop in Lisbon, allowing them to continue to Spain overland.[2] On September 20, 1791, they embarked on what would become Fernando's final voyage. On November 22, 1791, just two months later, Fernando Vélaz de Medrano y Bracamonte y Dávila died near the Cape of Good Hope.[2]
Friendship with José de Cadalso
Fernando Vélaz de Medrano was a close friend of the military officer and writer José de Cadalso, who recounted an incident involving him during the Portuguese campaign:
I arrived at the camp where my regiment was stationed … and during the troop cantonments near the Portuguese border, I faced greater danger of death than in the entire campaign. The Marquess of Tabuérniga, Fernando Vélaz de Medrano, a cadet in the Guards whose battalion was not far from my regiment, came to visit me. During the meal, we drank heavily in the German style. Later that evening, as we were leaving our gathering, I said something to him, what, I do not know, that offended him. He suddenly drew his sword and, with his first thrust, pierced a button on my coat before I even realized he had a sword in hand. At this, I drew my own sword, a cavalry blade, which was far too heavy to wield on foot. Fortunately, I managed to strike him with a single blow, opening his head, hand, and the hilt of his sword. This allowed me to subdue him and take him back home. Shortly after, he calmed down. We had dinner, discussed various matters, and then he went to bed and fell asleep.[21]
Family
Fernando left behind two illegitimate children in the Philippines from an extramarital relationship with a Tagalog woman named Luisa Cuenca, a native of Bacoor. Her family belonged to the Filipino nobility known as the Principalía. The first Philippine ambassador to the United Kingdom, José E. Romero, was a direct descendant of Fernando and Luisa.[2][22][23]
José E. Romero's maternal grandmother, Aleja Silva Calumpang, was a great-granddaughter of Fernando Vélaz de Medrano y Bracamonte y Dávila. Through his maternal grandmother, Romero was a descendant of Alfonso XI of Castile through four of his sons: Peter of Castile, the twins Henry II of Castile and Fadrique Alfonso, 1st Lord of Haro, and Sancho Alfonso, 1st Count of Albuquerque. Through Peter of Castile's mother, Maria of Portugal, he was also descended from Afonso IV of Portugal.[24][25][11][26]
Marquessate of Tabuérniga
Following Fernando's death without legitimate heirs, the Marquessate of Tabuérniga passed to his aunt, Andrea Vélaz de Medrano y Ferrari. Jorge Florán de Buseembour (born in Luxembourg in 1672), Baron of Nonancourt, married Andrea Narcisa Vélaz de Medrano y Ferrari (born in Cádiz in 1701), 5th Marchioness of Tabuérniga, who was the aunt of Fernando Vélaz de Medrano and later lived as a widow in Miranda de Ebro.[27]
Together, the couple had two sons:
- Juan Antonio Florán y Vélaz de Medrano (born in Valencia in 1719), lawyer, liberal politician, and writer, who became the 6th Marquess of Tabuérniga de Vélazar. He married María Luisa Salvador y Xese in Orihuela.[27] He served as a member of parliament on three occasions for the constituency of Almería and was regarded as one of the leading orators of the Landaburian Society. Later, he was appointed as Spain's consul in London, where he spent his final years.[28] Juan Antonio was the father of Vicente Florán y Vélaz de Medrano, 7th Marquess of Tabuérniga, and the grandfather of Juan Antonio de Padua Florán y Pastorís, 8th Marquess of Tabuérniga de Vélazar, a politician, poet, and Spanish diplomat [es].[27][29]
- Juan Pastorís del Cuerbo, of Madrid, Principal Administrator of Royal Revenues in Murcia, who married Florentina González Aledo in Madrid.[27]
Ancestry
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See also
- Pedro Velaz de Medrano
- Antonio Vélaz de Medrano, I Marquess of Tabuérniga
- Jaime Vélaz de Medrano y Barros, III Marquess of Tabuérniga
Further reading
- Hispanic–Filipino mestizaje at the end of the eighteenth century: the children of the Marquess of Tabuérniga Diego Téllez Alarcia, 6 June 2017.
References
- ^ a b Nigel Glendinning y Nicole Harrison (eds.): Escritos autobiográficos y epis- tolario de José de Cadalso, Londres, Támesis, 1979, p. 222.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab Alarcia, Diego Téllez (2017). "Courtly Intrigue and Political Repression During the Reign of Carlos III: The Case of Don Fernando Bracamonte Velaz de Medrano (1742–1791)". Magallanica: Revista de Historia Moderna. 3 (6): 226–242. ISSN 2422-779X. Retrieved December 11, 2024.
- ^ a b c d e f Téllez, Diego (2015-01-01). "La conspiración del marqués de Tabuérniga". Cuadernos Jovellanistas. De la Ilustración a la Modernidad.
- ^ "Tabla genealógica de la familia de Medrano, marqueses de Tabuérniga. [Manuscrito]". Europeana. Retrieved 2024-12-11.
- ^ Téllez Alarcia, 2015: 188–223
- ^ Ventura de Molina, 1828: II, 86
- ^ Richard Lodge (ed.): The Private Correspondence of Sir Benjamin Keene, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1933, p. 150.
- ^ Lodge, 1933: 190
- ^ a b Ventura de Molina, 1828: II, 30–31
- ^ Ventura de Molina, 1828: II, 199–201
- ^ a b Glendinning, N.; Harrison, N., eds. (1979). Escritos autobiográficos y epistolario de José de Cadalso. London: Thamesis Book Limited.
- ^ a b c d e f g Cartas Marruecas (1789) by José Cadalso
- ^ Ventura de Molina, 1828: II, 83
- ^ Martínez de Zúñiga, 1893: I, 133
- ^ Medina, 1994: 162
- ^ Vargas-Zúñiga and Sanchiz, 1955, p. 912.
- ^ Juan Miguel Soler Salcedo (24 April 2020). Nobleza Española. Grandezas Inmemoriales, 2nd edition (in Spanish). Vision Libros. p. 516. ISBN 978-84-17755-62-1. Retrieved 17 May 2020.
- ^ Escuela de Genealogía, Heráldica y Nobiliaria; Asociación de Hidalgos a Fuero de España (1985). XXV años de la Escuela de Genealogía, Heráldica y Nobiliaria (in Spanish). Ediciones Hidalguia. p. 273. ISBN 978-84-398-4671-0. Retrieved 18 May 2020.
- ^ Revista Hidalguía, Issue 13, Year 1955 (in Spanish). Ediciones Hidalguia. 1955. p. 912. Retrieved 18 May 2020.
- ^ Ventura de Molina, 1828: II, 221
- ^ Glendinning and Harrison, 1979: 10
- ^ Echauz, Robustiano (1894). Apuntes de la Isla de Negros (in Spanish). Tipo-lit. de Chofre y comp. Retrieved May 13, 2020.
- ^ Alunan, Merlie M.; Villasis, Bobby Flores (1993). Kabilin: Legacies of a Hundred Years of Negros Oriental. Negros Oriental Centennial Foundation. ISBN 978-971-91354-0-1.
- ^ Romero, José E. (1979). Not So Long Ago: A Chronicle of My Life, Times and Contemporaries. Manila: Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House, Inc.
- ^ Téllez Alarcia, Diego. "Intriga cortesana y represión política en el reinado de Carlos III: el caso de D. Fernando Bracamonte Velaz de Medrano (1742–1791)". Academia.edu. Retrieved February 2, 2019.
- ^ "Subject – Tabuérniga de Velazar, marqueses de". PARES. Retrieved October 24, 2023.
- ^ a b c d Alfonso Saura. "Últimos datos bio-bibliográficos sobre Juan Florán, Marqués de Tabuérniga". Estudios Románicos. Universidad de Murcia. Retrieved December 11, 2024.
- ^ "Bienvenido a Andalupedia.com". Andalupedia. Retrieved December 11, 2024.
- ^ Vallejo, J. (1856). [Cortes Constituyentes: galería de los representantes del pueblo (1854)] (in Spanish). [Madrid: s.n.]